Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recently concluded visit to Riyadh reflects his resolve to reiterate India’s ties with the Middle East and the Arab world. Not only did Modi and Saudi King Salman bin Abdul-Aziz Al Saud discoursed over their nations’ vulnerabilities to the existence of cross-border terrorism, they also assured each other of a renewed strategic partnership. The expansive agenda inked on Sunday postulates an increased security collaboration as well as an extensive bilateral investment between the two countries. Modi’s visit comes eight months after he successfully secured an investment of $75 billion into Indian infrastructure, as well as security cooperation from the United Arab Emirates. Such initiatives clearly indicate India’s willingness to accrue stronger relationships with the Middle Eastern states, which is a soundly conceived strategy in the face of region’s economic importance.
Even though the Middle East does not share any geographic borders with India, Modi’s administration cannot make light of its outsized role in the country’s economic growth. Saudi Arabia was slated as India’s fourth largest trading partner last year, with a generated revenue of $50 billion, as well contributing to Indian treasury with overseas remittances, valued at $8.4 billion in 2012. India, in turn, is also a major Saudi trade partner, bagging the biggest consumption of crude oil worldwide — a key Saudi export item — largely because of its second-largest population. Hence, what both countries appear to have recognised, in recent years, is a golden opportunity to leverage economic benefits out of joint development.
Nevertheless, Modi’s presidential visit is also being branded as another of India’s ‘strategies’ to undermine Pakistan’s diplomatic influence by commentators in both Pakistan and India. Whether these contemplations arise out of the decades-old ‘rivalry’ between Pakistan and India, or have been initiated by the recent alleged tension between Pakistan and the Saudi kingdom as an aftermath of the renewed Pak-Iran friendship is a separate debate. Yet, neither Pakistani administration nor analysts of diplomacy can ignore the Indian economic supremacy, which Modi administration has effectively manoeuvred to fashion around his recent strategic partnerships across the world. The economic maestro, Modi, has already shown his political muscle in the previous Indian elections, when his high success rate of the much-touted “Gujarat model” attracted a significant vote bank. Despite being heavily criticised for ineffective administration on domestic issues, Modi’s regime is lauded for a pro-active foreign policy, which bears all the hallmarks of a self-confident assertion of economic interests. It is not just Modi, however, that pulls crowds because of his financially-driven policies. In Pakistan, particularly Punjab, the popularity of the ruling party Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz in recent years can be understood in light of their undivided attention on developing the country’s infrastructure as well as the industrial sector. It is primarily their economic-driven manifesto that continues to draw support from business communities despite the oft-expressed numerous reservations on the administration’s performance. Modi’s regime has posited a similar application of economic well-being to further advance its political designs. Nevertheless, concerns over Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif not paying heed to establishment of Modi’s influence over Pakistan’s closest allies are hard not to notice. Pakistan shares significant associations with the Middle Eastern and Arab countries — most of which date back to its creation in 1947 — and taking them lightly is not a policy that its struggling economy can easily sustain. Following his counterpart’s footsteps, Sharif should also focus on cultivating deeper relationships with the outside world so that the Pakistani economy can also flourish in a noticeable manner. http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/editorial/06-Apr-2016/modi-s-ties-with-riyadh
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